Learning about COVID-19 in Nepal

Learning about COVID-19 in Nepal
Learning Brief
28/05/2020
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When I look back at the chronology of my Facebook page regarding COVID-19, I see that I had first come to know about it in late January earlier this year. I had shared a report published by The Guardian that raised the issues of the possibility of the COVID becoming an epidemic and whether the world should panic or not.

Following it, after almost 3 months of the detection of COVID in Wuhan in China in December 2019, the World Health Organisation (WHO) announced the Corona Virus Disease-2019 (COVID-19) as an epidemic on 11 March 2020. What took WHO almost a quarter of a year to
declare COVID as an epidemic is beyond the scope of this learning brief. 

Back home in Nepal, the first case of COVID-19 pandemic was confirmed on 23 January 2020 when a 31-year-old male student who had returned to Kathmandu from Wuhan on 9 January, tested positive for the disease. The Ministry of Health and Population (MoPH), Government of Nepal, started taking note of COVID-19 since late January and the country’s first COVID situation report was published on 28 January. Since then the situation reports have been published by the ministry every day on its website and summarised updates disseminated through various mass media such as TV, radio and social media.
 

Eventually, almost two months after the detection of the first COVID case in Nepal, to contain the spread of the virus nationwide lockdown was imposed by the government from 24 March 2020. The latest situation report number 108 published on 27/05/2020 indicates that the total positive COVID cases in Nepal has reached 886 and 4 fatalities. The data on positive cases has been reported by the ministry disaggregated gender, age, province and district wise. 

In a column authored by Dr. Buddha Basnet published by the Nepali Times on 19 March 2020 it says, “The Wuhan data from Chinese doctors revealed that it was the elderly (mostly male) that took the brunt of the disease and that children were not symptomatic, even though they may be infected by the virus. The findings also showed that about 1% of the patients who suffer from  COVID-19 die.” It further added, “The Wuhan data from Chinese doctors also revealed that it was the elderly (mostly male) that took the brunt of the disease and that children were not symptomatic, even though they may be infected by the virus.”

In contrast to the findings from the Wuhan data, when we look at the latest COVID data from the situation report published by the ministry, we find that of the total 886 positive cases to-date in Nepal the highest number of 319 (36%) has been between 21-30 years’ age group, followed by 222 (25%) between 31-40 years’ age group. Unlike the Wuhan data in Nepal only 19 (2%) positive cases have been of elderly or above 60 years’ age group. However, as the Wuhan COVID study had projected, in the case of Nepal also with the latest data of 886 and fatality number of 4, the death rate of 0.5% hovers around almost 1%.

 Source: COVID-19 Situation Report, 27 May 2020, MoPH

According to the same Dr. Basnet’s column, the incubation period (the time from infection to symptoms) was also studied in Wuhan and formed the basis of the quarantine period of 14 days. The average incubation period is five days but may be up to 12 days. To be on the safe side a two-week quarantine was recommended, after which it is unlikely that the symptoms will manifest. In Nepal there have been however cases which has taken more than 14 days to manifest. As in the case of all the three members of a family residing in Sun City Apartments in Teku, only 28 days after they returned to Kathmandu from United Kingdom they were tested positive in random diagnostic test.

Another interesting learning from the COVID data so far in Nepal has been that the 47 districts with COVID positive cases are primarily from the tarai flatlands. The high hills and the mountain districts seem to be untouched by COVID so far. However, it is yet to be scientifically ascertained that prevalence of COVID cases in the tarai flatlands of Nepal are due to ecological reasons or the reversal of Nepali migrant population from India.   

Source: COVID-19 Situation Report, 27 May 2020, MoPH

As far as learning about the economic impact of COVID-19 in Nepal is concerned, the World Trade Organisation in a brief issued recently states, “Nepal is starting to suffer the most abrupt and widespread cessation of economic activity due to outbreak of this virus. As per the analysis by the Asian Development Bank, the outbreak of this deadly disease will hit almost every sector of the Nepali economy, shaving up to 0.13 per cent off the gross domestic product and rendering up to 15,880 people jobless.” It further adds, “The impact has already started to surface in number of sectors like tourism, trade and production linkages, supply and health. Especially the entire service industries: tourism, aviation and hospitality sector have been hit hardly by the outbreak.” 

From the pattern of cases that is surging in Nepal everyday it is obvious that the most vulnerable infection and socio-economic wise has been the returnee migrant workers primarily from India and their families. And as the reversed migrant workers coming back to Nepal, especially from India has been in thousands, the actual number of unemployed due to COPVID-19 have definitely surpassed by several folds the number estimated by Asian Development Bank.  It is also apparent from the very onset of the COVID-19 response from the government by imposing the lockdown that the most effected has been the daily wage workers in the non-agricultural informal service sectors. Though the actual number or data on COVID effected daily wage workers or in service sectors is not available, adding three main employment sectors of service, returnee migrant workers and the daily wage workers in Nepal the number of unemployed would definitely cross the Bank’s estimate. It is also to be noted that the main contributor to total employment in Nepal is the informal non-agriculture sector, accounting for 41 percent of all jobs. 

The learning we have so far from the data and information available has been all very useful for the government as well as the civil society and others to respond to the pandemic. However, what we need to learn more from tangible and reliable data and information is which social and economic sections of the society have been the most vulnerable and have been subject to marginalisation due to the pandemic.   

A recent research report in America on the impact of COVID race and ethnicity wise as of 19 May, with the pandemic claiming about 99, 000 deaths, data about the race and ethnicity of the deceased known for 89% of these deaths, compiled from Washington, D.C. and other 40 states from which data were obtained, states that, “While the result of the research was an incomplete picture of the toll of COVID-19, the existing data revealed deep inequities by race, most dramatically for Black Americans. The latest overall COVID-19 mortality rate for Black Americans was 2.4 times as high as the rate for Whites and 2.2 times as high as the rate for Asians and Latinos. Aggregated deaths from COVID-19 in these 40 states and the District of Columbia had reached new highs for all groups as: 1 in 1,850 Black Americans has died (or 54.6 deaths per 100,000); 1 in 4,000 Latino Americans has died (or 24.9 deaths per 100,000); 1 in 4,200 Asian Americans has died (or 24.3 deaths per 100,000); and 1 in 4,400 White Americans has died (or 22.7 deaths per 100,000).”

This much we can say we have been able to learn so far about the technical and socio-economic dimensions of COVID-19 prevalence in Nepal. For more accurate learning that could assist in more accurate social and economic interventions or responses by the government as well as the civil society, the current disaggregated data gender and age wise managed by the MoPH, in cooperation with other sectoral ministries and development partners needs to be further disaggregated social and economic wise.

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Prepared and published  by Kishor Pradhan, Independent Development Consultant/CEO, Development Knowledge Management and Innovation Services Pvt. Ltd, Lalitpur, Nepal
kishorpradhanktm@gmail.com; 977-9851040564; 27 May 2020, 2:30 pm (NST)

Republic of Nepal, Dalit and Brahmin dominance

Written by Rem Bahadur BK

It has been twelve years since Nepal became a federal democratic republic. The monarchy which was constitutionally considered as a symbol of Hindu feudalism was abolished on 3 June 2008 for Nepal to become a republic. Politically this was a historic achievement for Nepal and Nepali people celebrate this day like a festival. However, time has come not only to celebrate, but also to review the achievements of the republic. It is time to have a serious discussion on the purpose and implementation of the republic. Politically, the republic has many achievements. Structural changes have taken place. However, in the republic, if we are to look at if Dalit’s expectation have been fulfilled, Dalits do not experience any difference in their daily lives as it was in the feudal monarchy.

Dalits community with thirteen percent of Nepal’s population had dreamed of a non-discriminatory and dignified life in the republic. Dalits had imagined end of centuries of discrimination, exclusion, exploitation, oppression and creation of a beautiful Nepali society. Freedom, justice, equality, and self-esteem were expected. But economic condition of Dalits is in disarray. Political representation has increased to some extent but has not reached a decisive role. Contrary to their dreams, Dalits are being subjected to discriminations, threats, killings and atrocities everyday. Whether it is the massacre of Dalits recently in Chaurjahari of Rukum or the murder in Rupandehi due to inter-caste marriage, all these incidents have killed equality, justice and freedom. The self-esteems of Dalits have been mocked. In few words Dalits have not been able to experience any basic dividends of the republic.

It is not that there has been no change. Although some reforms have been made in part, radical social and cultural transformation desired by the Dalits do not seem to have taken place. Politically, it was not a big deal for some Dalits to be elected at the federal, provincial and local levels. Whether their representations have changed the balance of state power or caste balance in the structure, or whether it has created an environment for Dalits to exercise their rights, does not seem to have changed that much. Dalits alone wishing is not going to change the caste based power balance in Nepal. Consequently Dalits are still subjugated to certain caste group’s dominance of ruling power.

Dalits have made sacrifices in every political struggle in Nepal for the establishment of democracy. Whether it was for the bringing down the autocratic Rana regime in 1950, restoring democracy in the 1990s and in the decade long people’s war ending in 2006. For Dalit to participate in these political struggles meant ending the prevalence of Hinduism in Nepali society. Putting end to the  discriminatory Hindu caste system based thoughts, behaviors and influences. The greatest political challenge in establishing the republic and realising social transformation was changing the traditional power structure. But due to the failure to achieve the expected political outcome in the current republic Dalits still feel that they have been subject to casteists rule.

For a long period in the Nepali history, the Hindu casteist regime was in power. Dalits were systematically deprived of access to power and excluded from the mainstream. They were forcibly evicted from the mainstream economy and forced to live in extreme poverty. Some were treated as slaves by the ruling caste while some Dalit women were even sexually exploited. For a long time, the state government has created a situation where Dalits are still trapped in the vicious circle of exploitation. Nepal’s Dalits expected freedom from such discrimination from the republican state system. But those expectations have completely turned into empty dreams.

Even in the republican system, the attitude of the ruling party and those in power towards the Dalits has not changed. The political parties that came from the revolution are leading the current government, but they still tell the Dalits to agitate for Dalit political movements for Dalit’s rights. This means that the movements in the past were only to bring non-Dalits to power. The party leading the republican movement with the slogan of establishing democracy for all should answer, were the movements of Dalits for various political changes useless? Do Dalits have to make sacrifices in the movement for power and opportunity for the Brahmins and the upper class? But after coming to power, can their sacrifices be ignored? Due to the political revolutions and the Dalit movements, there have been anti-discrimination constitutional provisions against the Dalits, and acts have been enacted.

It has been 57 years since the Civil Act 1963 made untouchability a punishable crime. The parliament of Nepal has already declared Nepal as an untouchability free nation on 7 June 2008. Nepal is party to various conventions on human rights, including the Convention Against Racial Discrimination and Untouchability. The National Criminal Code 2017 and the Untouchability and Discrimination (Fault and Punishment) Act 2011 have also been promulgated. In the preamble of the Constitution of Nepal 2015 itself abolition of caste based discrimination is mentioned. Article 24 puts an end to untouchability. Article 40 has provisioned for the basic rights of Dalits. But what kind of democratic system is that when Dalits have to agitate and start a movement again for the fulfillment of those rights? What kind of republic is that?

The other day on 20 May 2020 in the parliament the political leaders gave answers to the questions raised with regard to the government’s policies and programs. At that time, Dalit member of parliament Krishna Bahadur Thapa of Gandaki Province had raised the issue of protection of the perpetrators of caste based discrimination. Mohan Kumar Sunar, a resident of Pokhara Metropolitan City-16, was socially discriminated by local non-Dalits. The Prime Minister replied that Nepal is no longer untouchable, it is an untouchability free Nepal. But a few days later, on the night of 23 May, four people, including a young Dalit man Nawaraj Biswakarma of Jajarkot Bheri Municipality-4, Ranagaun, were beaten to death by villagers in Rukum West Chaurjahari Municipality-8 with regard to a marriage proposal. Similarly, 25 incidents of caste based discrimination to-date during the lockdown period has been recorded by the Jagaran Media Center’s Dalit Human Rights Incidents monitoring. This shows that the Prime Minister has not been able to fulfill his own answers. 

The government seems equally irresponsible in forming a government mechanism that works in the interest of Dalit rights. The National Dalit Commission, Development Committee and Badi Development Board are in disarray. There are no resources, no officials provided for these Dalit’s interest institutions. Why is there this negligence in these institutions set up for working in the interests of the Dalits?

Caste based discrimination problem is found not only in a village in Nepal but also at national and international levels. The Dalit community is also suffering from caste based untouchability and discrimination in countries like Australia, UK, Canada, Europe and USA. Dr. Ambedkar, a famous Dalit leader from India had said, “The caste problem is complex in practice and in theory. This has become just a local problem. If Hindus and Brahmins go to any part of the world or country, caste and untouchability go together. And gradually the caste system becomes problem of the world. ” That is to say, what Ambedkar said about the caste system and discrimination reaching wherever Brahmins go seems to have been confirmed.

State power is the most important. Power institutionalizes or eliminates discrimination, so it builds social order. In the case of Nepal, the state system so far has been run by Khas Arya with an authoritative psychology. They have captured all the power structures of the administration, the judiciary, the media, the religious institutions in their interest. Even after the establishment of the republic in Nepal, the rulers have changed but the nature of Dalit’s discrimination is the same. The reason for this is the racist and Brahmanical monopoly of the rulers and the maintenance of certain caste dominance.

After the demands for identity and inclusion began to rise strongly in the people’s movement of 2005 – 2006, Khas Arya started many conspiracies to maintain their dominance. As a result, a situation was created in which the identity of Khas Arya was constitutionally established and they became a participant in the reservation. Ironically, Nepal is the only country that gives reservations to the rulers.

In a democracy, everyone should have equal ownership, status, belonging, participation, justice and freedom. But the situation in Nepal is the opposite. The Khas Aryas of Nepal have a great illusion that this country, Nepal, was saved, built and developed by their ancestors. It is found that the historical documents have been prepared in such a way that there is no role and contribution of other communities. Attempts have been made to prove the same. History is written that way. And that’s how it is taught.

In Khas Arya’s 15,000 year old book it is written, “If Khas Arya had not contributed to the salvation of this country, without Khas Arya’s sacrifice, not even a pinch of Nepal’s soil would have existed. That soil would have been trampled by foreigners. An attempt is being made to score a goal at the goal post by tying the hands and feet of those who are struggling, hardworking, intellectual and skilled. That effort is unfortunate for everyone. The community that contributed to the language, education, and independence of the country.” In order for the Nepali society to flourish, spread and develop in the form of democracy and prosperity, it is necessary to change the Bahunistic thinking, attitudes and ideologies. That is why it is necessary to end the Brahmin domination in Nepal. The lack of development of the republic and the Dalit community in Nepal is due to the dominance of the Brahmins.

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Rem Bahadur BK is the President of Jagaran Media Center (a Dalit media NGO based in Kathmandu, Nepal). He has been active in social and Dalit movements in Nepal for more than 25 years. Email: bkremnepal@gmail.com